http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5642 Tue, 07 Apr 2026 23:12:58 GMT 2026-04-07T23:12:58Z https://dspace.uni.lodz.pl:443/xmlui/bitstream/id/2f189a69-6c77-4293-9219-93884ff4cdbc/ http://hdl.handle.net/11089/5642 http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7807 Badania ratownicze na wielokulturowym stanowisku Łódź Łaskowice, stan. 27 Adamczyk, Ryszard; Zawilski, Paweł Excavations conducted in 1999 in Łódź Łaskowice, site 273 were of rescue character. As a result, the western edge of a multicultural settlement complex has been excavated. The area included elements of the Świder culture (late Paleolithic), Trzciniec culture (II and I/III periods of the Bronze Age), Lusatian culture (Hallstatt D), Przeworsk culture (Roman period) and the Middle Ages. Relics of the Trzciniec culture (most of settlement pits, cultural layer, prevailing part of material) were predominant among the distinguished units. Elements typical of its classical development stage - period II of the Bronze Age as well as younger materials representing the declining phase dated to the turn of period II. As regards establishing chronology of the finds, ceramic materials are of great importance. They comprise elements referring to older development period of the Trzciniec culture (bowls, elements of the Otomani culture), which should be recognized as the earliest in the assemblage. The classical Trzciniec culture is represented by typical vessels with thickened rims, decorated with plastic round bands. Determinant of late development phases is, among others, vase form decorated with plastic bow-shaped band placed on the belly. The elements under consideration are dated by numerous analogies from Little Poland to the turn of period II of the Bronze Age. A considerable concentration of Trzciniec culture settlement points has been registered around the discussed site. In period III of the Bronze Age this centre became a starting point of an early phase of the Lusatian culture - Konstantynów group on the upper Ner. The Lusatian culture materials from its declining period (Hallstatt D) appeared on the discussed site, though on a smaller scale. The materials probably correspond to the east-Great-Poland group. The other units that have been distinguished at the beginning of the work have been recorded within the excavated area of the site in scanty amount. Thu, 01 Jan 2004 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7807 2004-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7806 Rozplanowanie wnętrz świątyni Hatszepsut w Deir El-Bahari na tle świątyń Nowego Państwa Grabowska, Anna The Hatshepsut temple is situated on the western bank of the Nile River. It followed the example of the Mentuhotep I temple from the time of the Middle Kingdom and it was the first terraced temple in the period of the New Kingdom. According to pravailing rules the initial phase of a temple complex was a lower temple located on the eastern edge of the Asasif valley. A processional alley led from the lower to the upper Hatshepsut temple. The upper temple consisted of three courtyards leading to ramps. The most important part of the temple was an upper courtyard from which all the cult places were accessible. On considering the setting of the interior of the Deir el-Bahari temple against the background of temples of the New Kingdom the fact should be noted that contrary to later erected temples in Egypt, which established strictly obeyed architectural order, the building came into being in a trial-and-error period and a period of searching for a shape which best fits cult reasons. Functionally, each part of the Hatshepsut temple answers the following elements of a classical Theban temple: pylons, (here: a stone hole in the wall), courtyards, hypostyle (here: as the columnar courtyard), the solar cult complex - so-called cult palace (here: the cult chapel of the queen and her father Totmes I), and a sanctuary. The difference between temples and their setting is the number of rooms connected with the cult. The following temples were analogous to the Hatshepsut temple in Deir el-Bahari: Totmes III temple in Deir el-Bahari and in Guma, Amenhotep II temple, Totmes IV temple near Ramesseum. In comparison with other temples of the New Kingdom the Hatshepsut temple in Del al-Bahari is an exceptional one in Egyptian architecture. Except the four mentioned temples, which refer to its terraced composition, none of later built temples has either such spatial arrangement or such an appearance. Undoubtedly its image is considerably distinguished from against the background of the other temples of the time of the New Kingdom. Thu, 01 Jan 2004 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7806 2004-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7805 O datowaniu emisji triumviri monetales z lat 13-12 p.n.e. Jegliński, Adam The author's intention is to take an attitude towards the proposal of dating the coins struck during the reign of Augustus in a mint in Rome that were signed by triumviri monetales. The coins have been prosented by an eminent Polish numismatist A. Kunisz in Researches sur le monnayage et la circulation monetaire sous le régne ď August. Most of the suggestions included in the work are convincing. However, some of the proposals on the dating of the triumviri monetales coins from the years 13-12 B.C., raise serious doubts. Besides, it is not intended to question the absolute dating but the way of matching the emissions of each triumviri to the years 13 and 12 B.C. According to A. Kunisz in 13 B.C. the triumviri monetales functions were performed by the college of L. Caninius Gallus, L. Lentulus, C. M. Tromentina, in 12 B.C. the college consisted of Cossus Lentulus, S. C. Platorinus, C. Antistius Reginus. In the years of our interest three very important events took place. In 13 B.C. Augustus and Agrippa came to tribune power and imperium maius for five years. Next year on March 12th Agrippa died and Augustus, after Lepidus death, achieved a status of the Pontifex Maximus. Therefore the coins struck in 12 B.C. could refer to acquiring a status of the tribune and Pontifex Maximus by Agrippa, while those struck in the previous year could only be a hint of conferring the tribune power and imperium maius (the death of Lepidus could not have been foreseen). Some denarii of C. Antistius Reginus and Caninius Gallus refer to election of Augustus of the Pontifex Maximus (nos 1, 2, 3). An inscription C. (OMITIA) C. (AESARIS) AUGUSTI on the denarii (no 2) of Caninius Gallus cannot refer to conferring a status of trihinitia potestas on Augustus because it was granted by the senate and comitia only accepted it. Besides, why could Agrippa passed over, a person who was promoted on coins by propaganda and who together with Augustus achieved tribunitia potestas and imperium maius. Whereas the Pontifex Maximus was chosen by the comitia in accordance with tradition. Therefore the coins of Caninius Gallus must come not from 13 B.C. but from 12 B.C. On the coins signed by Cossus Lentulus and Sulpicius Platorinus there is no reference to the Pantifex Maximus election, but the following are depictured: bust of Agrippa wearing corona muralisi and rostralis as well as a tandem Augustus - Agrippa sitting on bisellium (no 5). The main issue is conferring imperium maius on Augustus and Agrippa. A. Kunisz dated the coins of Cossus Lentulus to 12 B.C. justifying it by Agrippa’s horse statue image on it (no 6), which was intended to be an allusion to his after-death heroization. The rider on the coins is not halfnaked and there is no clear indication in favour of Agrippa’s after-death heroization, therefore the coins of the triumviri mentioned above should be dated to 13 B.C. Images on the coins of M. Tromentina do not give unambiguous indication. However, if we interpret an image of an empty quadriga with a palm branch as an allusion to Augustus’ refusal of a triumph acknowledged for his victories on the East, the coins should also be dated to 13 B.C. Denarii of L. Lentulus (no 8) present Augustus with clipeus virtutis while placing a star above a half-naked figure standing next to him. It is supposed that this is Julius Caesar, above whose head either Octavian or Agrippa is placing the Julius star. The latter seems to be more probable because Agrippa was not officially acknowledged divinity, but a splendid form of the funeral, burial in Augustus Mausoleum, some relics (probably the Belvedere altar) and his clear presence on the coins in his last years of life can testify his strong position and suggest his informal heroization of Augustus’ will. That can be dymbolised by the image of Augustus holding a star above Agrippa’s head on the coins of L. Lentulus. The star is not only Caesar’s attribute. Star of this type later appears above Germanicus’ image (relief from Ravenna), and in the 1st half of the 2nd century A. D. on a grave relief above a head of a few years’ slave (no 9). It would have been strange to honour Caesar in such a way just in 13 B.C. since Octavian’s propaganda had not used this motif even during a struggle for succession after assassinated Cesar. Augustus is placed higher then his protagonist and himself is holding a star above his head. Such gestures rise Augustus and seem to be more adequate to Agrippa than to Caesar. According to what have been said above, the coins refer to Agrippa’s death so they must have been emitted in 12 B.C. One of the main arguments of A. Kunisz’s chronology is that since 12 B.C., displaying of monetary busts of Augustus wearing a laurel wreath became a rule, as it was in Lugdunum, but it does not have confirmation in calculations. In 12 B.C., coins with Augustus’ bust and with a laurel wreath were not struck, they appeared in the following year, but the year 12 B.C., did not stand out against the background of the triumviri monetales coinage among which types of coins with a bust withoud a wreath prevail. It can be explained by the fact that Augustus’ power in Italy was of civilian and in Gallia of military character; yet a wreath is an attribute of a victorious commander. Thu, 01 Jan 2004 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7805 2004-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7804 Fragment fryzu kamiennego znalezionego w Et-Tell, Izrael Skupińska-Lovset, Ilona Present article deals with a block of basalt found on Et-Tell, identified with biblical Bethsaida. The block is only partially preserved and has today the dimensions: length 105,5 cm and 83 cm, height varying from 38 cm to 36,6 cm, depth between 46 cm and 36,5 cm. From the shape of the fragment and from the placement of the decoration it may be deduced that the stone formed originally a lintel. Decoration is carefully executed by use of the small-calibrated claw-chisel. It consists of a meander pattern with the motives of rosettes. Alternately a whirling rosette and a still standing are placed between the arms of meander. It is argued, on the stylistic and iconographical reasons, that the lintel should be dated to the Augustean period. There is pointed out on intensified influence of Roman art and culture during the reign of Herod the Great and his heirs. Further, the analysed motif of meander is compared to the similar motifs on basalt architecture of Hauran and Golan and the limestone architecture of nearby settlements of Galilee. Thu, 01 Jan 2004 00:00:00 GMT http://hdl.handle.net/11089/7804 2004-01-01T00:00:00Z