Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica 2008, nr 82
http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13734
2024-03-29T12:07:54ZPolityka rządu José Marii Aznara Lópeza wobec Kuby (1996-2004)
http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13774
Polityka rządu José Marii Aznara Lópeza wobec Kuby (1996-2004)
Domejko-Kozera, Patrycja
After the victory of People’s Party (Partido Popular) in the election on 3 March 1996 the government of José Maria Aznar with the foresight of protection of human rights and democratization adopted a strict policy towards Cuba, the country linked with Spain by numerous bonds: historical, linguistic, cultural, economic ones, not to mention relations of soieties. This change was the result of the strategy formulated by the PP government of alliance with the USA whose relations with Castro regime had been hostile for years. The stages in the Spanish-Cuban relations in the years 1996-2004 coincided with periods in Washington-Havana relations. The following stages can be distinguished in this period: gradual deterioration of bilateral relations leading to diplomatic crisis (May 1996—April 1998), normalization (from April 1998) and renewed crisis (with the climax after adoption by the European Union sanctions on Cuba in June 2003). The PP government actions concerned mostly political and diplomatic spheres, both on bilateral (Spain did not appoint an ambassador in Havana for 1,5 ywar) and communitarian lovel (European Union Common Position of 2 December 1996 on Cuba, UE sanctions on Cuba). The government actions did not affect the economic sphere. Despite the fact that tension in Madrid-Havana contacts had negative effect on economy, during the years of Aznar’s government Spanish trade with Cuba flourished. Having adopted a tough policy towards Cuba, the PP government criticized US embargo on Cuba and Hclms-Burton Act. The policy of the government of PP towards Cuba was criticized by the opposition. It did not contribute to the improvement of human rights and democratic rules on the island, but it strengthened Spanish-American relations.
2008-01-01T00:00:00ZEwolucja stosunków chińsko-indyjskich w latach pięćdziesiątych XX wieku
http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13773
Ewolucja stosunków chińsko-indyjskich w latach pięćdziesiątych XX wieku
Maj, Joanna
Regarding the size of their territories and the number of population, China and India take an
important place among Asian countries.
Since the appearance of independent India (1947) and the People’s Republic of China (1949)
on international arena, the terms of these countries have gone through all possible sorts of stages.
The present study investigates the Sino-Indian relations in nineteen fifties, which can be divided
into three principal stages. 1950-1954, when India supported the Republic of China on international
area, however, without definite political resonance on the part of the Chinese; the period of
Sino-Indian cooperation on international forum as well as bilateral contacts on political, economical
and cultural grounds in 1954-1957, and the stage from 1958 that has been characterized by
anti-Indian attitude of Chinese governmental circles.
The complexity of the relations was to a large scale the result of Chinese policy rather than
the position of Indian government, regarded as more stable and consistent. It was the Chinese
foreign policy that affected the climate of relations between both nations, and dramatic turns in
these contacts resulted not only from change of selection of means to achieve Chinese basic
political aims but also internal situation in Communist China. However, one should bear in mind
that it was India that were more active in the period of creating these relations. Indian authorities
believed that it was their responsibility to continue the millennial tradition of peaceful relations
with China, although it mainly resulted from the existence of natural Himalayan border, making
land military penetration impossible. The friendly relations with China were closely connected with
J. Nehru’s conception to grant Asia a proper position in international relations. In these plans, India was about to play a part of the spokesman of Asian nations and the
initiator of cooperation, which could have become an example for liberating colonial countries and
also an alternative to double-blocked policy.
Therefore, mainly because of these reasons, India had been insistently supporting the People’s
Republic of China on international arena.
Not to complicate Sino-Indian relations, India had given up traditional policy of supporting
pro-independence endeavours of Tibet. The real symptom of Sino-Indian international cooperation
was the settlement of common conception of creating ‘a peace zone’ in Asia region that was
promoted in policy of these countries in years 1954-1957. The above mentioned initiative assumed
the avoidance of conflicts among Asian countries with common efforts and diplomatic consultations
supported also by countries outside Asian continent.
It was in middle fifties when the premises of struggle for leadership in the area of Asia
already appeared. The disturbing with regards of international aspect of Sino-Indian rivalry about
leadership in Third World was revealed.
First of all, Chinese and Indian businesses clashed on plain of international safety in Himalayan
region. The safety had been violated by already mentioned different interpretation of borders, as
well as policy of sides in neighboring countries of Burma, Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim.
The fact of the existence of the border divergences may not have led to armed conflict
between China and India, as in principle controversial regions did not matter economically. In
fact, the border dispute became a pretext in strife about hegemony in Asia.
2008-01-01T00:00:00ZPolskie dylematy w „czasach aniołów” . Próby budowania bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego w Europie w latach 1926-1929 a koncepcje polskiej polityki zagranicznej w świetle „Gazety Warszawskiej”
http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13772
Polskie dylematy w „czasach aniołów” . Próby budowania bezpieczeństwa zbiorowego w Europie w latach 1926-1929 a koncepcje polskiej polityki zagranicznej w świetle „Gazety Warszawskiej”
Węclewska, Marta
One of the most difficult tasks regarding Polish foreign policy throughout the intcrwar period
was developing its international position. A position which would be compatible with the Polish
“raison d’etat” of the time; the attempt to forge on international agreement of European security.
This problem, among other things, was based on the relationship between Poland and Germany
and, as a consequence, Polish policy was aimed at sticking to the Treaty of Versailles or obtaining
a on their part similar guarantee in case this Treaty was to be abolished. The Germans, on their part, still wished to dismantle, what they belived to be punitive dictate,
laid out at Versailles. They realised, however, that they, under the representation of Gustav
Stresemann, the German Foreign Minister, had to change theit tactic into more peaceful ones. It
was well known that, the Germans overtly harboured designs on the Polish territories of Silesia,
the Pommerania and Prusia corridor and Danzig, a free city, whose foreign affairs were determined
by Poland.
Under such circumstances the most important task of Polish foreign policy relied upon defending
the best position it could in European affairs and keeping the diplomatic initiative. Nevertheless,
that said, this task was incompatible with the main trends of European diplomacy. The policy of
friendship between western countries, especially Germany, France and Great Britain had led to the
inclusion of Germany into the Council of the League of Nations, dissolving the Inter-Allied
Commision of Control and finally the evacuation of the Rhineland. In all these matters Poland
had a little or no to say. Her position being limited to that of a witness.
Obviously the weakening international position of Poland was well observed and described by
the “The Warsaw Gazette” - the then a Polish nationalists’ newspaper. The deadlock between the
Polish foreign policy objectives and that of the European diplomatic trends could not be rectified.
Even the National Democratic Party, who was at the time in opposition and thus having less
responsibility for policy had no clear idea on how to find a solution. Journalists working for “The
Warsaw Gazette” on the one hand correctly recognised the direction of the political changes in
Europe, favouring Germany, but on the other, did not accept, some would say illogically, that
these changes would result in a loosening of the alliance with France. Due to Poland's constant
efforts in defending the system set out in the Treaty of Versailles, its influence on the great
international conferences was marginalized. Disappointed by that fact "Gazette" journalists pressed
on the importance of the French alliance as a valuable and safeguard of the security of Poland,
even if the policy of friendship with Germany, made by the French government, was not, from
Polish point of view, fair. This was done as it was still believed that Warsaw and Paris had
common agendas on foreign affairs, especially when it came to maintaining the post-war European
system. However, as pessimism reached its zenith, commentators from “The Warsaw Gazette”
suggested all nation's forces be concentrated to the defence of the country and, as far as they
were concerned, Poland needed help from western allies. These fundamental difficulties in Polish
dilemmas were never solved. Even today the question still remains whether this tragic finals was
the fault of the Polish foreign policy or independent factors connected with the contemporary
international trends.
2008-01-01T00:00:00ZZ dziejów prasy łódzkiej - „Republika” 1923-1925
http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13771
Z dziejów prasy łódzkiej - „Republika” 1923-1925
Urbaniak, Robert
On the 6th January 1923 the first issue of the “Republika” , the new newspaper, came out. It
was founded by Maurycy Ignacy Poznański, Leszek Kirkien, Władysław Polak and Marian Nusbaum-
-Ołtaszewski - the last one became the editor-in-chief of the newspaper. Since it was published
for the rich bourgeoisie, the “Republika”, as the name suggested, was liberal in its character, as
well as in the choice of cooperators, and it never got close to any political party. The newspaper
dealt with social, literary and trade issues. The head office of the editors was at 49 Piotrkowska
Street, whereas the correspondents of the newspaper sent information from many European capitals
and Polish cities.
The “ Republika” also used information provided by Polish Telegraphic Agency among others.
The new publication found readers in Łódź and the region and after its position became well
established on the Łódź press market, its daily edition on weekdays was up to 20 thousand copies,
and it was the biggest edition among morning newspapers in Łódź in the period described. The
“Republika” consisted of thematic sections led by the editiors responsible for them. Due to the
connections of the newspaper with Łódź industrial circles, its trade division, “Kurier Handlowy”, whose director was Leszek Kirkien and where Maurycy Ignacy Poznański also published his
articles, was well developed and came out regularly.
Since the summer of 1925 the publication came into conflict with the authorities, which led
to closing down the prosperous newspaper. Its successor the “Ilustrowana Republika” , published
since 28'h July 1925. It resembled its predecessor with graphic design, layout, themes and choice
of editors. The editor-in-chief of the new newspaper became Leszek Kirkien.
2008-01-01T00:00:00Z