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<title>Rocznik Orientalistyczny, T. 64, Z. 2 (2011)</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/3486</link>
<description/>
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<rdf:li rdf:resource="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4031"/>
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<dc:date>2026-04-17T20:00:15Z</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4032">
<title>Фоно-метрические расстояния между азербайджанским и другими тюркскими языками с точки зрения типологии его звуковых цепочек</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4032</link>
<description>Фоно-метрические расстояния между азербайджанским и другими тюркскими языками с точки зрения типологии его звуковых цепочек
Тамбовцев, Юрий А.
Typological characteristics of the sound chains in the Azerbaijan language indicate&#13;
to the phono-metrical distances between it and the other Turkic languages. On the basis&#13;
of the occurrence of the fundamental phonetic features it was possible to compute these&#13;
distances. Thus, the phono-metrical typological distances between the Azerbaijan and the&#13;
other 28 Turkic languages are: 1) Gagauz (7,14); 2) Turkmen (7,20); 3) Crimea Tatar&#13;
(8,79); 4) Karachay-Balkar (10,87); 5) Uzbek (11,44); 6) Turkish (14,93); 7) Kazakh&#13;
(15,68); 8) Kazan Tatar (16,25); 9) Old Turkic (16,79); 10) Kirgiz (17,47); 11) Tofalar&#13;
(22,03); 12) Bashkir (22,38); 13) Tatar-Chulym (23,22); 14) Karakalpak (24,39); 15)&#13;
Tuvin (25,11); 16) Salar (25,86); 17) Uyghur (27,67); 18) Sary-Uyghur (29,42); 19)&#13;
Altay-Chelkan (29,88); 20) Khakas (31,02); 21) Yakut (31,22); 22) Altay-Teleut (32,56);&#13;
23) Altay-Kumandin (34,04); 24) Tatar-Baraba (34,96); 25) Altay-Shor (37,65); 26) Yakut-&#13;
Dolgan (42, 37); 27) Altay-Kizhi (45,38); 28) Chuvash (69,02).
</description>
<dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4031">
<title>Meroitic (Review article)</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4031</link>
<description>Meroitic (Review article)
Lipiński, Edward
Meroitic is attested by written records found in the Nile valley of northern Sudan&#13;
and dating from the 3rd century B.C. through the 5th century A.D. They are inscribed in&#13;
a particular script, either hieroglyphic or more often cursive, which has been deciphered,&#13;
although our understanding of the language is very limited. Basing himself on about fifty&#13;
words, the meaning of which is relatively well established, on a few morphological features&#13;
and phonetic correspondences, Claude Rilly proposes to regard Meroitic as a North-Eastern&#13;
Sudanic tongue of the Nilo-Saharan language family and to classify it in the same group&#13;
as Nubian (Sudan), Nara (Eritrea), Taman (Chad), and Nyima (Sudan). The examination&#13;
of the fifty words in question shows instead that most of them seem to belong to the&#13;
Afro-Asiatic vocabulary, in particular Semitic, with some Egyptian loanwords and lexical&#13;
Cushitic analogies. The limited lexical material at our disposal and the extremely poor&#13;
knowledge of the verbal system prevent us from a more precise classification of Meroitic&#13;
in the Afro-Asiatic phylum. In fact, the only system of classification of languages is the&#13;
genealogical one, founded on the genetic and historical connection between languages as&#13;
determined by phonological and morpho-syntactic correspondences, with confirmation,&#13;
wherever possible, from history, archaeology, and kindred sciences.
</description>
<dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4009">
<title>Lexica Afroasiatica X</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/4009</link>
<description>Lexica Afroasiatica X
Takacs, Gábor
Comparative-historical Afro-Asiatic linguistics has undergone a significant development&#13;
over the past half century, since the appearence Essai comparatif sur le vocabulaire et&#13;
la phonétique du chamito-sémitique (1947) by Marcel Cohen. This revolutionary and&#13;
fundamental synthesis concluded the second great period of the comparative research&#13;
on Afro-Asiatic lexicon (the so-called „old school”, cf. EDE I 2-4). During the third&#13;
period (second half of the 20th century), whose beginning was hallmarked by the names&#13;
of J.H. Greenberg and I.M. Diakonoff, a huge quantity of new lexical material (both&#13;
descriptive and comparative) has been published, including a few most recent attempts&#13;
(either unfinished or rather problematic) at compiling an Afro-Asiatic comparative&#13;
dictionary (SISAJa I-III, HCVA I-V, HSED, Ehret 1995).&#13;
During my current work on the Etymological Dictionary of Egyptian (EDE), I have&#13;
collected a great number of new AA parallels, which – to the best of my knowledge –&#13;
have not yet been proposed in the literature or was observed independently from me1.&#13;
Along the EDE project (and the underlying „Egyptian etymological word catalogue”),&#13;
I have started collecting AA roots (not attested in Egyptian) for a separate Afro-Asiatic&#13;
root catalogue in late 1999.
</description>
<dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/11089/3895">
<title>Iraq under King Gāzī Internal Political Development, 1933–1939</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/11089/3895</link>
<description>Iraq under King Gāzī Internal Political Development, 1933–1939
Sorby, Karol R.
Through the whole interwar period the Iraqi monarch, centred in Baghdad, had in&#13;
effect a social meaning diametrically opposed to that of the tribal shaykhs, who were&#13;
then still virtual rulers of much of the countryside. The shaykhs represented the principle&#13;
of the fragmented or multiple community (many tribes), the monarch the ideal of an&#13;
integral community (one Iraqi people, one Arab nation).1 While the shaykh was the&#13;
defender of the divisive tribal tradition, the monarch was the exponent of the unifying&#13;
national law. In the view of the presence of large non-Arab minorities in the country, there&#13;
was some inherent contradiction between the ideal of one Iraqi people and that of one&#13;
Arab nation. By the mid-1930s, several officers of the Iraqi army had become actively&#13;
interested in politics and found that the army’s reputation for suppressing the Assyrian&#13;
rebellion was a political asset. The most influential officers were true nationalists, that&#13;
is, pan-Arabist, who inspired many of the junior officers. They looked to the examples&#13;
of neighbouring Turkey and Iran, where military dictatorships were flourishing. Under&#13;
the leadership of General Bakr Ṣidqī the army took over the government in the fall of&#13;
1936, and opened a period of army’s meddling into politics. Although under the reign&#13;
of young and inexperienced King Ġāzī (1933–1939) Iraq fell prey to tribal rebellions&#13;
and military coups, there was nevertheless no essential deviation from the prior trend&#13;
of royal policy. Except during the short Ḥikmat Sulaymān government, the pan-Arab&#13;
character of the state became more pronounced.
</description>
<dc:date>2011-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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