http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13729 2026-04-06T02:01:27Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13781 Stanowisko rządu Johna F. Kennedy’ego wobec kryzysu kongijskiego na forum ONZ (1961-1963) Porczyńska, Anna The Congo Crisis was one of the conflicts which involved economical and military power of the United Nations under presidency of John F. Kennedy. The United Stales had already aided Belgium but they weren’t able to solve that problem by using the US Army in Secessionist Katanga because it would lead to the direct confrontation with the USSR and its satellite countries. The second reason was connected with involvement of American private business in Katangian industry and the attempts of its exclusion made by Belgians or Patrice Lumumba’s forces. The John F. Kennedy Government attitude was determined by his predecessors policy of the containment, which should be successful in the decolonized areas. The John F. Kennedy Government attitude towards the United Nations during the Congo Crisis was determined by the majority in General Assembly created by newly independent African countries which supported the Soviet Union and his allies. That was the main cause why previously adopted “majority voting” in General Assembly was impossible for the John F. Kennedy Government. 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13769 Franjo Tudjman jako twórca chorwackiej niepodległości Wawrzeńczak, Anna The author of this paper discusses role of Franjo Tudjman during the Yugoslav transformations and building of an independent of Croatia (between 1989 and 1992). The Croat’s growing preoccupation with the “national question” in ihe wake of the 1971-72 purge accompanied a steady growth of anti - Yugoslavia and pro - independence sentiment. It found delayed expression in Croatia’s first multiparty election in April-May 1990. The election won overwhemingly by the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). It’s leader, Franjo Tudjman, a historian and former general in the Yugoslav Army. He was Josip Broz Tito’s favourite untill there was conflict beetwen them. Tudjman started talking about Croatian’s bad situation and discrimination in Yugoslav. He was sacked in 1967 from the post of head of the party history institute in Zagreb. His attempts to correct what he saw as anti-Croat bias in official communist pronouncements concering World War two caused this. Tudjman was later twice arrested in 1972 and 1982 for “counter-revolutinary” nationalism, activity in “Croatian Spring” and for giving “hostile” interviews to the Western media about the situation in Croatia. Tudjman based his election campaign squarely on the “national question” and anti-Serbs and anti-semitism rhetoric. He paid little attention to the economy. He demanded sovereignty and independent of Croatia. He tackled the sucject of Ante Pavelic’s state without much apology to its victims. He said that NDH was “not only a quisling organization and Fascist crime, but was also an expresion of the Croatian nation’s historic desire for an independent homeland” . In Tudjman’s state, there were not place for Croatian Serbs. Tudjman said about discrimination of Croatians in Yugoslav’s administration, army and culture. The main reason of bad condition of Yugoslav and enemy of Croatia were Serbs. The war with Serbs from Slavonia and Krajina, who were helped by Belgrad and JNA was unavoidable. Tudjman was saying a lot about “democracy” and “building democratic Croatia” but his style of rule was more similar to communistic regime. For example, the new goverment was soon determined to control the media almost as much the old Communists. Instead of building independent and democratic Croatia, Tudjman aimed to strenghten nationalism, monoparty and strong dictatorship. After two years of rule Tudjman had a trouble. Croatia was in deep economic crisis Rising inflation and unemployment were the cause of an improverish society. At the and of war in early 1992, nearly one-third of Croatia’s territory remained under Serb control. It included the important east, which was some of the most fertile agricultural land. Before the second election in 1992 Tudjman regained the trust of Croatian people. However there was a lot of insoluble problems and then came something new. A new war came with the Serbs and a conflict in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Tudjman said at the time that Bosnia and Hercegovina should be given to Croatia. Just like Vojvodina was given to Serbia in 1945. The second election in 1992 Tudjman and his party won again. This time Tudjman openly aimed to war, threw any negotiations out. Again the main enemies were Serbs and Slobodan Milosevic. Tudjman built fear and terror in Croatia. He was too convinced of his great mission in Croatian history. 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13768 Sprawa rozmieszczenia wojsk ONZ na terenie Konga (15 lipca -12 sierpnia 1960) Sołtysiak, Jakub On 19 June 1960 the UN Security Council passed the resolution no 143 (1960), which enabled the start of the UN Operation in Congo - Operation des Nations Unies Au Congo (ONUC). The operation was to consist of two parts: civilian and military, foreseeing sending UN Armed Forces to Congo. The deployment of UN soldiers in Congo was subject of much controversy at the UN forum. The first month of UN soldiers involvement in Congo’s crisis was of crucial importance for defining the character of the military operation. Controversies arose about the powers of UN soldiers, and the way of placement of Peace Forces in Katanga. The group of countries put pressure to settle the conflict by force. The additional problem was the desire of world powers, competing for influence in Africa, to use the whole conflict to achieve vested interests. There was no agreement as to the way the UN soldiers and their powers were to be used in the face of key Congo’s problems. In that case the character of UN Operation in Congo was brought up for an international discussion. As a result of this discussion, and due to determination of UN Secretary - General Dag Hammarksjold, supported by American diplomacy, the international character of UN military operation was kept. Not using UN Forces to immediate political goals was another success. Despite different pressures, Hammarksjold managed to deploy UN Military Forces to Katanga by means of diplomatic and peaceful methods, exclusively. 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13760 Traktat w Utrechcie w ocenie wybranych prac XX-wiecznej historiografii brytyjskiej Lik, Krzysztof The Utrecht Treaty signed on 11 IV 1713, in fact ending the war of Spanish succesion, turned out to be one of those turning points which finally formed the XVIIl-century Europe and secured an exeptional place in political system of that century fot the British monarchy. No wonder that Utrecht Treaty, and events preceeding it, were the main object of interest in the British historiography for a long time. The period of Queen Anna’s reign, and distinguished people appearing at her court were described by many historians. Unfortunately, those works are not well-known among Polish publicity. The issues of the war of Spanish succesion and the Utrecht Treaty are not the most favourite topics among Polish historians either. For the above reasons Polish reader who want to get some knowledge on that subject may have problems as the only sources of information can be found in textbooks accesible in university libraries and institutes of history. However, it should be stressed that such textbooks are totally different from those we know in our Polish conditions. They are very detailed works presenting both historical knowledge and literary values. It is worth mentioning that among writers who created them were such suberb names as Clark or Trevelyan and they were edited by British best publishing companies like C.U.P., O.U.P. or Longman. In this article one could find live historical books which in my opinion are the most representative for the XXth century British historiography. These are: The Cambridge History o f the British Empire, vol. I, The Old Empire from the Beginings to 1783. G. M. Trevelyan, History of England. The New Cambridge Modern History, vol. VII, The Old Regime. Sir George Clark, The Later Stuarts and Frank O’Gorman, The Long Eighteenth Century. 2007-01-01T00:00:00Z