http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13520 2026-04-11T14:03:57Z 2026-04-11T14:03:57Z Szudarek, Krystian M. http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13551 2018-02-01T11:19:24Z 2001-01-01T00:00:00Z

Geneza deklaracji londyńskiej z 3 lutego 1935 r. Szudarek, Krystian M. The aim of this paper is to present the circumstances, which led to announcement of London Declaration and British diplomacy’s part in this regard. London communiqué exemplified another attempt of solution issue of German “equality of rights” demands in armaments and French “security” postulate. This iunctim has been included in Powers Declaration from December the 11th 1932. British diplomacy directly contributed to recognition of this principle, because the British had recognised German thesis morally and politically correct. There existed, as well, the fear of Germany’s withdrawal from Disarmament Conference and open rearmament. “ Equality of rights” in diplomatic vocabulary meant rearmament. The British diplomacy tried to limit extent of German armaments through disarmament convention (MacDonald’s Plan of 15th March 1933), and after withdrawal of Germany from Geneva and breakdown of the Disarmament Conference, through arms convention (Disarmament Memo of 29th January 1934). For this reasons the British feigned ignorance with regard to German violation of the military provisions of the Peace Treaty. On 17th of April 1934, French diplomacy refused further negotiations on legalisation of German armaments, due to lack of security guarantee. However, the British diplomacy, in sequel, intended to bargain with Hitler and to reach agreement on armaments, although Defence Requirements Committee recognised Germany “as ultimate potential eneny”. But attempt to find solution in connection with negotiation on Eastern Locarno, during the summer 1934, ended with failure. At least, in November-December 1934, the British cabinet took the decision about final solution of the problem of the illegal German armaments, which was regarded as an accomplished fact. According to reports from British Embassy in Berlin, there were the threat that Hitler as first, at the beginning 1935, would propose to resume negotiation on armaments or else would present ex-Allies with a fait accompli. The British intended to take over the initiative and establish common standpoint with the French and propose to change Part V of the Treaty return for some preconditions earlier. On 22nd of December Pierre Laval, new French Foreign Secretary, accepted provisionally this proposition. The fundamental part of the formula declaration has been established through diplomatic means at the end of January 1935. Final arrangements on condition of the cancellation of the disarmament clauses ensued during visits of French ministers in London at the beginning of February 1935. Anglo-French declaration of 3th of February was the attempt to reach of a general settlement, with Hitler, and proposed negotiation: of the armaments question, Germany’s participation in Eastern, Danubian and Air Pact and Her return to the League of Nations, simultaneously. Hitler provisionally agreed to talks, but only with England and merely on Air Pact he voiced favour. Soon chancellor presented the ex-Allies with a fait accompli and British aims: limitation of armaments and Germany’s return to Geneva was not realised although individual parts of London declaration were discussed until autumn 1935. Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych

2001-01-01T00:00:00Z Frankiewicz, Małgorzata http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13550 2018-02-01T11:19:24Z 2001-01-01T00:00:00Z

Anthony Eden wobec kryzysu abisyńskiego 1934-1936 Frankiewicz, Małgorzata The article refers to the British policy towards Italo-Abyssinian conflict 1934-1936. The study touch the subject with a special emphasis of Anthony Eden’s policy between 1934-1936 in the League of Nations and his efforts to solve the problem of the Italian aggression. The analysis describes conditions witch influenced his activity and policy of the British Government. The Italo-Abyssinian conflict is presented against the background of international relations 1934-1936. The main conclusions of the study are as follows. Eden tried to save the Abyssinian independence and as the best forum for the discussion he choose the League of Nations. He did not achieve his aims because of the British policy of appeasement, Italian superiority over Abyssinia and complicated international situation. Eden was not enough strong personality to force his views and oppose policy of his chiefs. The conflict in Africa confirmed him in the onviction that there was not any possibility to deal with Mussolini. Consequently, he believed that Britain should oppose Duce’s activity. The conviction and misunderstandings with Chamberlain became one of the reason of his resignation. The analysis is chiefly based on the Documents on British Foreign Policy, materials from Public Record Office, I Documenta Diplomatici Italiani and memoirs. Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych

2001-01-01T00:00:00Z Nowakowska-Dryk, Anna http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13549 2018-02-01T11:20:02Z 2001-01-01T00:00:00Z

Unia realna angielsko-szkocka w ujęciu historiografii szkockiej XX w. Od kontynuacji do rewizji Nowakowska-Dryk, Anna The article is condensed outlok of a Polish historian on the issue of the real Union of Great Britain from the Socottish scientific perspective. It shows several opinions on the subject, formulated by the contemporary Scottish historians. The works cited in the article prosent various historiographic attitudes, thus giving readers, a wide spectrum both of the knowledge range and the views concerning the 1707 Union, which are characteristic for the prosent-day Socottish historiography. A number of interesting questions arise in connection with the subject, to which historians give different answers. The article reveals lots of social and economic relations as well as the deliberate actions of the Union creators, which made the Union come into being. This example explains the specifics of the Scottish historiography as a distinct kind of British historiography. The Scottish point of view on the subject is a thorough one, although the emphasis is on the issues which are different from those being in the centre of attention in the history of the southern part of the Island. The Scottish interpretations may even surprise readers not only with a new attitude towards the facts but also with logic and accurcy of the conclusions. The Scottish historians have varied opinions about the main actors of the 1707 drama. This specific historiography is less known to Polish readers and remains frequently unnoticed by the history researchers outside the British cultural circles. Nevertheless, if one takes a closer look at that kind of British historiography, it appears to be methodologically mature and rich in new solutions. The article does not explore the subject comprehensively, it serves as an introduction to the mood and the problems which are predominant in the Scottish historiographic study concerning the 1707 Union. Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych

2001-01-01T00:00:00Z Robak, Piotr http://hdl.handle.net/11089/13548 2021-07-22T08:05:57Z 2001-01-01T00:00:00Z

William Randal Cremer (1828-1908): od syndykalizmu do pacyfizmu. Szkic biograficzny Robak, Piotr The article presents the ideas and political activities of William Randal Cremer: an English worker and trade-unionist. The development of his political career was connected with the political struggle to democratize the British Constitution and to achieve peaceful state of international ralations in the second half of the 19th century. Cremer was one of the makers of the British trade-unionism in the 50’s of the century after the fall of the Chartist movement. He was in favour of solving the workers’ problems by means of trade-union’s peaceful mediation between the workers and their employers. In the 60’s Cremer and the British trade-unionism were engaged in the political action conducted by the Reform League (together with the radical wing of the Liberal Party) to introduce the next Reform Bill in the British Constitution and to create possibility for the British workers to sit in Parliament. At the same time Cremer participated in the formation and activity of the International Working Men’s Association but being a reformist he withdrew his support when the Association was taken over by revolutionary thinkers. Cremer didn’t also appreciate the political power of the working British mass risen in the 90’s: the new trade-unionism and the Independent Labour Party. For at reason when he had an occasion to sit in Parliament (thanks to the Reform Bill in 1885) as „Lib.-Lab.” he became a representative of radical liberals but not socialists. He was not involved in any of the British workers’ problems at the time. Cremer in Parliament and also in the various peace organisations (e.g. International Arbitration League), however, paid a lot of attention to advance his belief that peace was only acceptable state for manking and arbitration the method by which it could be achieved in international relations. As a result of his peaceful activities he became a laureate of the Peace Noble Prize in 1903. The idea of arbitration proved to be very important Cremer’s contribution to the world peace movement despite many tragic was experiences in the 20th century. Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych

2001-01-01T00:00:00Z